A Compositional Theory of Causally Masked Transformers

What types of decision problems can a causally masked, finite-precision transformer solve for inputs of arbitrary length? Existing answers often rely on idealized arithmetic, but under finite precision, rounding and evaluation order can change what information attention retains and therefore what the model can compute. We develop an algebraic formalization that derives expressivity directly from the model's implemented dynamics. Its central object is its memory; the finite internal state computed by attention that summarizes the information from the prefix available to all future queries. Each attention head updates its own state independently within a layer, while layers compose hierarchically, providing a uniform route from model assumptions to expressivity bounds. Applying this method to transformers without positional embeddings, we obtain an expressivity hierarchy governed by the attention type under specific numerical semantics. Width-one sliding-window attention supports bounded-suffix memory, while a modified form of soft attention supports irreversible, checklist-like state, and combining the two mechanisms provides an interplay of both. Ordinary left-to-right floating-point soft attention can realize more expressive memory operations than any of the above. Algebraically, the four cases correspond to definite, R-trivial, locally R-trivial, and aperiodic semigroups. Under an explicit free-wiring assumption, all four bounds are tight.

Surprisal Theory is Tautological (without Rational Grounding)

Surprisal theory holds that the human processing difficulty of a linguistic unit in context is an affine function of its surprisal under some language model. I argue this claim is a tautology without further constraint: for any non-negative difficulty measure over units in context, there exists a language model whose surprisal is an affine function of it under mild technical conditions. Therefore, because any pattern of difficulty is consistent with some language model, without an additional constraint on the language model, surprisal theory makes no falsifiable predictions. The tautology was long obscured by an assumption implicit in two decades of psycholinguistic work---that the relevant language model is the distribution that generated the training corpus, so that improving corpus fit improves predictions of human behavior. Recent empirical work has undermined this assumption, demonstrating that better corpus models can be worse predictors of processing difficulty. I conclude that breaking the tautology requires a rationalist intervention, i.e., the relevant language model must be derived from a non-empirically motivated model of the comprehender, which could be based on, for instance, memory constraints or processing goals, and that, thus, does not depend on the behavioral data surprisal theory is meant to explain.

Causally Evaluating the Learnability of Formal Language Tasks

Language models, as multi-task learners, acquire a wide range of abilities during training. A fundamental question is how much task-specific data is needed to learn a given task. Answering this for natural language is difficult: tasks are hard to delineate and can confound one another. To rigorously investigate the relationship between data frequency and learnability, we turn to a controlled setting using formal languages induced from probabilistic finite automata. These serve as a methodological testbed to demonstrate that standard correlational evaluation practices are inherently flawed. To enable causal analysis, we introduce the binning semiring, an algebraic object that lets us control how often a targeted property occurs in a sampled corpus. We formulate the experimental pipeline as a causal graphical model and derive decomposed Kullback-Leibler divergence metrics to measure the learnability of specific sub-tasks. Our experiments show that evaluating learnability without causal intervention leads to incorrect conclusions due to confounders in correlational analysis, and serve as a warning about correlational pitfalls in natural-language settings.

Understanding the Parameter Space Geometry of Transformers Encoding Boolean Functions

Transformers consistently fail to learn certain simple functions that are provably expressible with specific parameter settings. This gap between learnability and expressivity is particularly prominent for sensitive functions -- functions whose output is likely to change if a single bit of the input is flipped -- for example, PARITY. While prior work has established that transformers exhibit a bias toward functions with low average sensitivity, the precise mechanism underlying this bias remains poorly understood. To shed light on this phenomenon, we study the geometry of transformers' parameter space. We show that sensitive functions -- even when representable -- occupy a vanishingly small region that random initialization is very likely to miss. Specifically, we shift the focus from average sensitivity to the full sensitivity profile -- the distribution of sensitivity values across all inputs -- and prove that randomly initialized transformers almost surely compute functions which have low-sensitivity strings. Consequently, any function that lacks such strings is provably unlearnable.

An Algebraic View of the Expressivity of Recurrent Language Models

What formal languages can a recurrent neural language model recognize? Formal results in the literature conflict: some authors report Turing-completeness, while others show equivalence to regular languages. The reason for this discrepancy is that the underlying arithmetic model differs. The paper develops a unified algebraic account of the expressivity of recurrent neural networks, starting with a formal account of various arithmetic models. This account reduces expressivity to an algebraic question, e.g., whether a network's syntactic monoid divides a certain wreath product. As a case study, the paper revisits diagonal state-space models: the same architecture cannot implement an even-modulus counter once floating-point recurrences are enforced, yet realizes every even-modulus counter under unsigned-integer quantization.

Revisiting Padded Transformer Expressivity: Which Architectural Choices Matter and Which Don't

Recent work describes what transformers can and cannot compute through connections to boolean circuits, but existing results lack exact characterizations and are sensitive to modeling choices. Padded transformers -- to whose input filler symbols such as ``...'' are appended -- emerge as a useful gadget for establishing equivalences to circuit classes by providing polynomial space for adaptive parallel computation. However, only a limited set of padded transformer idealizations has been studied, leaving open how robustly these equivalences hold under changes to attention type, model width, and uniformity. We find that, under practical assumptions, padded transformers are surprisingly robust to all of these, and identify numeric precision and model depth as the main factors affecting expressivity. Concretely, we prove that polynomially padded $\text{L-uniform}$ constant-precision transformers are equivalent to $\text{L-uniform AC}^0$, while growing-precision ones achieve $\text{L-uniform TC}^0$ regardless of width. Furthermore, looping enables sequential processing analogous to circuits: $\log^d N$-looped constant-precision transformers reach $\text{FO-uniform AC}^d$, and growing-precision ones reach $\text{FO-uniform TC}^d$. Interestingly, growing width or precision beyond logarithmic does not increase expressivity, and all our results hold for both softmax and average hard attention transformers.

Learning to Reason Efficiently with A* Post-Training

Many applications of large language models (LLMs) require deductive reasoning, yet models frequently produce incorrect or redundant inference steps. We frame natural language inference as a search problem where the final answer is the valid proof itself, requiring a reasoning procedure in which intermediate inferences are correct. Specifically, we investigate whether LLMs can learn to generate correct and efficient proofs with guidance from A* search -- an algorithm that guarantees an optimally efficient path to a goal. We explore two training techniques: supervised fine-tuning on execution traces from A* and reinforcement learning with A*-informed process reward models. Empirically, we find that Llama-3.2 models in the 1B--3B range benefit substantially from A* post training, going from near-zero accuracy to outperforming DeepSeek-V3.2 -- a much larger model. Our analysis uncovers a trade-off: while simple correctness rewards maximize accuracy, A*-informed signals strike a balance between accuracy and efficiency. Furthermore, we find that on larger search spaces, models trained with imperfect heuristics exhibit superior accuracy. Our results demonstrate a promising direction towards reasoning guided by principles derived from classical search algorithms.

Prefix Parsing is Just Parsing

Prefix parsing asks whether an input prefix can be extended to a complete string generated by a given grammar. In the weighted setting, it also provides prefix probabilities, which are central to context-free language modeling, psycholinguistic analysis, and syntactically constrained generation from large language models. We introduce the prefix grammar transformation, an efficient reduction of prefix parsing to ordinary parsing. Given a grammar, our method constructs another grammar that generates exactly the prefixes of its original strings. Prefix parsing is then solved by applying any ordinary parsing algorithm on the transformed grammar without modification. The reduction is both elegant and practical: the transformed grammar is only a small factor larger than the input, and any optimized implementation can be used directly, eliminating the need for bespoke prefix-parsing algorithms. We also present a strategy-based on algorithmic differentiation-for computing the next-token weight vector, i.e., the prefix weights of all one-token extensions, enabling efficient prediction of the next token. Together, these contributions yield a simple, general, and efficient framework for prefix parsing.

Probing for Reading Times

Probing has shown that language model representations encode rich linguistic information, but it remains unclear whether they also capture cognitive signals about human processing. In this work, we probe language model representations for human reading times. Using regularized linear regression on two eye-tracking corpora spanning five languages (English, Greek, Hebrew, Russian, and Turkish), we compare the representations from every model layer against scalar predictors -- surprisal, information value, and logit-lens surprisal. We find that the representations from early layers outperform surprisal in predicting early-pass measures such as first fixation and gaze duration. The concentration of predictive power in the early layers suggests that human-like processing signatures are captured by low-level structural or lexical representations, pointing to a functional alignment between model depth and the temporal stages of human reading. In contrast, for late-pass measures such as total reading time, scalar surprisal remains superior, despite its being a much more compressed representation. We also observe performance gains when using both surprisal and early-layer representations. Overall, we find that the best-performing predictor varies strongly depending on the language and eye-tracking measure.

Transducing Language Models

Modern language models define distributions over strings, but downstream tasks often require different output formats. For instance, a model that generates byte-pair strings does not directly produce word-level predictions, and a DNA model does not directly produce amino-acid sequences. In such cases, a deterministic string-to-string transformation can convert the model's output to the desired form. This is a familiar pattern in probability theory: applying a function $f$ to a random variable $X\sim p$ yields a transformed random variable $f(X)$ with an induced distribution. While such transformations are occasionally used in language modeling, prior work does not treat them as yielding new, fully functional language models. We formalize this perspective and introduce a general framework for language models derived from deterministic string-to-string transformations. We focus on transformations representable as finite-state transducers -- a commonly used state-machine abstraction for efficient string-to-string mappings. We develop algorithms that compose a language model with an FST to *marginalize* over source strings mapping to a given target, propagating probabilities through the transducer without altering model parameters and enabling *conditioning* on transformed outputs. We present an exact algorithm, an efficient approximation, and a theoretical analysis. We conduct experiments in three domains: converting language models from tokens to bytes, from tokens to words, and from DNA to amino acids. These experiments demonstrate inference-time adaptation of pretrained language models to match application-specific output requirements.