Pre-trained word embeddings like ELMo and BERT contain rich syntactic and semantic information, resulting in state-of-the-art performance on various tasks. We propose a very fast variational information bottleneck (VIB) method to nonlinearly compress these embeddings, keeping only the information that helps a discriminative parser. We compress each word embedding to either a discrete tag or a continuous vector. In the discrete version, our automatically compressed tags form an alternative tag set: we show experimentally that our tags capture most of the information in traditional POS tag annotations, but our tag sequences can be parsed more accurately at the same level of tag granularity. In the continuous version, we show experimentally that moderately compressing the word embeddings by our method yields a more accurate parser in 8 of 9 languages, unlike simple dimensionality reduction.
Treebanks traditionally treat punctuation marks as ordinary words, but linguists have suggested that a tree's "true" punctuation marks are not observed (Nunberg, 1990). These latent "underlying" marks serve to delimit or separate constituents in the syntax tree. When the tree's yield is rendered as a written sentence, a string rewriting mechanism transduces the underlying marks into "surface" marks, which are part of the observed (surface) string but should not be regarded as part of the tree. We formalize this idea in a generative model of punctuation that admits efficient dynamic programming. We train it without observing the underlying marks, by locally maximizing the incomplete data likelihood (similarly to EM). When we use the trained model to reconstruct the tree's underlying punctuation, the results appear plausible across 5 languages, and in particular, are consistent with Nunberg's analysis of English. We show that our generative model can be used to beat baselines on punctuation restoration. Also, our reconstruction of a sentence's underlying punctuation lets us appropriately render the surface punctuation (via our trained underlying-to-surface mechanism) when we syntactically transform the sentence.
How language-agnostic are current state-of-the-art NLP tools? Are there some types of language that are easier to model with current methods? In prior work (Cotterell et al., 2018) we attempted to address this question for language modeling, and observed that recurrent neural network language models do not perform equally well over all the high-resource European languages found in the Europarl corpus. We speculated that inflectional morphology may be the primary culprit for the discrepancy. In this paper, we extend these earlier experiments to cover 69 languages from 13 language families using a multilingual Bible corpus. Methodologically, we introduce a new paired-sample multiplicative mixed-effects model to obtain language difficulty coefficients from at-least-pairwise parallel corpora. In other words, the model is aware of inter-sentence variation and can handle missing data. Exploiting this model, we show that "translationese" is not any easier to model than natively written language in a fair comparison. Trying to answer the question of what features difficult languages have in common, we try and fail to reproduce our earlier (Cotterell et al., 2018) observation about morphological complexity and instead reveal far simpler statistics of the data that seem to drive complexity in a much larger sample.
Events in the world may be caused by other, unobserved events. We consider sequences of events in continuous time. Given a probability model of complete sequences, we propose particle smoothing---a form of sequential importance sampling---to impute the missing events in an incomplete sequence. We develop a trainable family of proposal distributions based on a type of bidirectional continuous-time LSTM: Bidirectionality lets the proposals condition on future observations, not just on the past as in particle filtering. Our method can sample an ensemble of possible complete sequences (particles), from which we form a single consensus prediction that has low Bayes risk under our chosen loss metric. We experiment in multiple synthetic and real domains, using different missingness mechanisms, and modeling the complete sequences in each domain with a neural Hawkes process (Mei & Eisner 2017). On held-out incomplete sequences, our method is effective at inferring the ground-truth unobserved events, with particle smoothing consistently improving upon particle filtering.
Critical to natural language generation is the production of correctly inflected text. In this paper, we isolate the task of predicting a fully inflected sentence from its partially lemmatized version. Unlike traditional morphological inflection or surface realization, our task input does not provide ``gold'' tags that specify what morphological features to realize on each lemmatized word; rather, such features must be inferred from sentential context. We develop a neural hybrid graphical model that explicitly reconstructs morphological features before predicting the inflected forms, and compare this to a system that directly predicts the inflected forms without relying on any morphological annotation. We experiment on several typologically diverse languages from the Universal Dependencies treebanks, showing the utility of incorporating linguistically-motivated latent variables into NLP models.
The Universal Morphology UniMorph project is a collaborative effort to improve how NLP handles complex morphology across the world's languages. The project releases annotated morphological data using a universal tagset, the UniMorph schema. Each inflected form is associated with a lemma, which typically carries its underlying lexical meaning, and a bundle of morphological features from our schema. Additional supporting data and tools are also released on a per-language basis when available. UniMorph is based at the Center for Language and Speech Processing (CLSP) at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland and is sponsored by the DARPA LORELEI program. This paper details advances made to the collection, annotation, and dissemination of project resources since the initial UniMorph release described at LREC 2016. lexical resources} }
The CoNLL--SIGMORPHON 2018 shared task on supervised learning of morphological generation featured data sets from 103 typologically diverse languages. Apart from extending the number of languages involved in earlier supervised tasks of generating inflected forms, this year the shared task also featured a new second task which asked participants to inflect words in sentential context, similar to a cloze task. This second task featured seven languages. Task 1 received 27 submissions and task 2 received 6 submissions. Both tasks featured a low, medium, and high data condition. Nearly all submissions featured a neural component and built on highly-ranked systems from the earlier 2017 shared task. In the inflection task (task 1), 41 of the 52 languages present in last year's inflection task showed improvement by the best systems in the low-resource setting. The cloze task (task 2) proved to be difficult, and few submissions managed to consistently improve upon both a simple neural baseline system and a lemma-repeating baseline.
We show how the spellings of known words can help us deal with unknown words in open-vocabulary NLP tasks. The method we propose can be used to extend any closed-vocabulary generative model, but in this paper we specifically consider the case of neural language modeling. Our Bayesian generative story combines a standard RNN language model (generating the word tokens in each sentence) with an RNN-based spelling model (generating the letters in each word type). These two RNNs respectively capture sentence structure and word structure, and are kept separate as in linguistics. By invoking the second RNN to generate spellings for novel words in context, we obtain an open-vocabulary language model. For known words, embeddings are naturally inferred by combining evidence from type spelling and token context. Comparing to baselines (including a novel strong baseline), we beat previous work and establish state-of-the-art results on multiple datasets.
We quantify the linguistic complexity of different languages' morphological systems. We verify that there is an empirical trade-off between paradigm size and irregularity: a language's inflectional paradigms may be either large in size or highly irregular, but never both. Our methodology measures paradigm irregularity as the entropy of the surface realization of a paradigm -- how hard it is to jointly predict all the surface forms of a paradigm. We estimate this by a variational approximation. Our measurements are taken on large morphological paradigms from 31 typologically diverse languages.
What makes some types of languages more probable than others? For instance, we know that almost all spoken languages contain the vowel phoneme /i/; why should that be? The field of linguistic typology seeks to answer these questions and, thereby, divine the mechanisms that underlie human language. In our work, we tackle the problem of vowel system typology, i.e., we propose a generative probability model of which vowels a language contains. In contrast to previous work, we work directly with the acoustic information -- the first two formant values -- rather than modeling discrete sets of phonemic symbols (IPA). We develop a novel generative probability model and report results based on a corpus of 233 languages.