Reflexive anaphora present a challenge for semantic interpretation: their meaning varies depending on context in a way that appears to require abstract variables. Past work has raised doubts about the ability of recurrent networks to meet this challenge. In this paper, we explore this question in the context of a fragment of English that incorporates the relevant sort of contextual variability. We consider sequence-to-sequence architectures with recurrent units and show that such networks are capable of learning semantic interpretations for reflexive anaphora which generalize to novel antecedents. We explore the effect of attention mechanisms and different recurrent unit types on the type of training data that is needed for success as measured in two ways: how much lexical support is needed to induce an abstract reflexive meaning (i.e., how many distinct reflexive antecedents must occur during training) and what contexts must a noun phrase occur in to support generalization of reflexive interpretation to this noun phrase?
By positing a relationship between naturalistic reading times and information-theoretic surprisal, surprisal theory (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008) provides a natural interface between language models and psycholinguistic models. This paper re-evaluates a claim due to Goodkind and Bicknell (2018) that a language model's ability to model reading times is a linear function of its perplexity. By extending Goodkind and Bicknell's analysis to modern neural architectures, we show that the proposed relation does not always hold for Long Short-Term Memory networks, Transformers, and pre-trained models. We introduce an alternate measure of language modeling performance called predictability norm correlation based on Cloze probabilities measured from human subjects. Our new metric yields a more robust relationship between language model quality and psycholinguistic modeling performance that allows for comparison between models with different training configurations.
Learners that are exposed to the same training data might generalize differently due to differing inductive biases. In neural network models, inductive biases could in theory arise from any aspect of the model architecture. We investigate which architectural factors affect the generalization behavior of neural sequence-to-sequence models trained on two syntactic tasks, English question formation and English tense reinflection. For both tasks, the training set is consistent with a generalization based on hierarchical structure and a generalization based on linear order. All architectural factors that we investigated qualitatively affected how models generalized, including factors with no clear connection to hierarchical structure. For example, LSTMs and GRUs displayed qualitatively different inductive biases. However, the only factor that consistently contributed a hierarchical bias across tasks was the use of a tree-structured model rather than a model with sequential recurrence, suggesting that human-like syntactic generalization requires architectural syntactic structure.
We train a diachronic long short-term memory (LSTM) part-of-speech tagger on a large corpus of American English from the 19th, 20th, and 21st centuries. We analyze the tagger's ability to implicitly learn temporal structure between years, and the extent to which this knowledge can be transferred to date new sentences. The learned year embeddings show a strong linear correlation between their first principal component and time. We show that temporal information encoded in the model can be used to predict novel sentences' years of composition relatively well. Comparisons to a feedforward baseline suggest that the temporal change learned by the LSTM is syntactic rather than purely lexical. Thus, our results suggest that our tagger is implicitly learning to model syntactic change in American English over the course of the 19th, 20th, and early 21st centuries.
How and to what extent does BERT encode syntactically-sensitive hierarchical information or positionally-sensitive linear information? Recent work has shown that contextual representations like BERT perform well on tasks that require sensitivity to linguistic structure. We present here two studies which aim to provide a better understanding of the nature of BERT's representations. The first of these focuses on the identification of structurally-defined elements using diagnostic classifiers, while the second explores BERT's representation of subject-verb agreement and anaphor-antecedent dependencies through a quantitative assessment of self-attention vectors. In both cases, we find that BERT encodes positional information about word tokens well on its lower layers, but switches to a hierarchically-oriented encoding on higher layers. We conclude then that BERT's representations do indeed model linguistically relevant aspects of hierarchical structure, though they do not appear to show the sharp sensitivity to hierarchical structure that is found in human processing of reflexive anaphora.
Neural network architectures have been augmented with differentiable stacks in order to introduce a bias toward learning hierarchy-sensitive regularities. It has, however, proven difficult to assess the degree to which such a bias is effective, as the operation of the differentiable stack is not always interpretable. In this paper, we attempt to detect the presence of latent representations of hierarchical structure through an exploration of the unsupervised learning of constituency structure. Using a technique due to Shen et al. (2018a,b), we extract syntactic trees from the pushing behavior of stack RNNs trained on language modeling and classification objectives. We find that our models produce parses that reflect natural language syntactic constituencies, demonstrating that stack RNNs do indeed infer linguistically relevant hierarchical structure.
We introduce a new syntax-aware model for dependency-based semantic role labeling that outperforms syntax-agnostic models for English and Spanish. We use a BiLSTM to tag the text with supertags extracted from dependency parses, and we feed these supertags, along with words and parts of speech, into a deep highway BiLSTM for semantic role labeling. Our model combines the strengths of earlier models that performed SRL on the basis of a full dependency parse with more recent models that use no syntactic information at all. Our local and non-ensemble model achieves state-of-the-art performance on the CoNLL 09 English and Spanish datasets. SRL models benefit from syntactic information, and we show that supertagging is a simple, powerful, and robust way to incorporate syntax into a neural SRL system.
This paper analyzes the behavior of stack-augmented recurrent neural network (RNN) models. Due to the architectural similarity between stack RNNs and pushdown transducers, we train stack RNN models on a number of tasks, including string reversal, context-free language modelling, and cumulative XOR evaluation. Examining the behavior of our networks, we show that stack-augmented RNNs can discover intuitive stack-based strategies for solving our tasks. However, stack RNNs are more difficult to train than classical architectures such as LSTMs. Rather than employ stack-based strategies, more complex networks often find approximate solutions by using the stack as unstructured memory.
Syntactic rules in natural language typically need to make reference to hierarchical sentence structure. However, the simple examples that language learners receive are often equally compatible with linear rules. Children consistently ignore these linear explanations and settle instead on the correct hierarchical one. This fact has motivated the proposal that the learner's hypothesis space is constrained to include only hierarchical rules. We examine this proposal using recurrent neural networks (RNNs), which are not constrained in such a way. We simulate the acquisition of question formation, a hierarchical transformation, in a fragment of English. We find that some RNN architectures tend to learn the hierarchical rule, suggesting that hierarchical cues within the language, combined with the implicit architectural biases inherent in certain RNNs, may be sufficient to induce hierarchical generalizations. The likelihood of acquiring the hierarchical generalization increased when the language included an additional cue to hierarchy in the form of subject-verb agreement, underscoring the role of cues to hierarchy in the learner's input.