Non-native speakers show difficulties with spoken word processing. Many studies attribute these difficulties to imprecise phonological encoding of words in the lexical memory. We test an alternative hypothesis: that some of these difficulties can arise from the non-native speakers' phonetic perception. We train a computational model of phonetic learning, which has no access to phonology, on either one or two languages. We first show that the model exhibits predictable behaviors on phone-level and word-level discrimination tasks. We then test the model on a spoken word processing task, showing that phonology may not be necessary to explain some of the word processing effects observed in non-native speakers. We run an additional analysis of the model's lexical representation space, showing that the two training languages are not fully separated in that space, similarly to the languages of a bilingual human speaker.
We present LemMED, a character-level encoder-decoder for contextual morphological analysis (combined lemmatization and tagging). LemMED extends and is named after two other attention-based models, namely Lematus, a contextual lemmatizer, and MED, a morphological (re)inflection model. Our approach does not require training separate lemmatization and tagging models, nor does it need additional resources and tools, such as morphological dictionaries or transducers. Moreover, LemMED relies solely on character-level representations and on local context. Although the model can, in principle, account for global context on sentence level, our experiments show that using just a single word of context around each target word is not only more computationally feasible, but yields better results as well. We evaluate LemMED in the framework of the SIMGMORPHON-2019 shared task on combined lemmatization and tagging. In terms of average performance LemMED ranks 5th among 13 systems and is bested only by the submissions that use contextualized embeddings.
In the first year of life, infants' speech perception becomes attuned to the sounds of their native language. Many accounts of this early phonetic learning exist, but computational models predicting the attunement patterns observed in infants from the speech input they hear have been lacking. A recent study presented the first such model, drawing on algorithms proposed for unsupervised learning from naturalistic speech, and tested it on a single phone contrast. Here we study five such algorithms, selected for their potential cognitive relevance. We simulate phonetic learning with each algorithm and perform tests on three phone contrasts from different languages, comparing the results to infants' discrimination patterns. The five models display varying degrees of agreement with empirical observations, showing that our approach can help decide between candidate mechanisms for early phonetic learning, and providing insight into which aspects of the models are critical for capturing infants' perceptual development.
Acoustic word embeddings are fixed-dimensional representations of variable-length speech segments. Such embeddings can form the basis for speech search, indexing and discovery systems when conventional speech recognition is not possible. In zero-resource settings where unlabelled speech is the only available resource, we need a method that gives robust embeddings on an arbitrary language. Here we explore multilingual transfer: we train a single supervised embedding model on labelled data from multiple well-resourced languages and then apply it to unseen zero-resource languages. We consider three multilingual recurrent neural network (RNN) models: a classifier trained on the joint vocabularies of all training languages; a Siamese RNN trained to discriminate between same and different words from multiple languages; and a correspondence autoencoder (CAE) RNN trained to reconstruct word pairs. In a word discrimination task on six target languages, all of these models outperform state-of-the-art unsupervised models trained on the zero-resource languages themselves, giving relative improvements of more than 30% in average precision. When using only a few training languages, the multilingual CAE performs better, but with more training languages the other multilingual models perform similarly. Using more training languages is generally beneficial, but improvements are marginal on some languages. We present probing experiments which show that the CAE encodes more phonetic, word duration, language identity and speaker information than the other multilingual models.
Can artificial neural networks learn to represent inflectional morphology and generalize to new words as human speakers do? Kirov and Cotterell (2018) argue that the answer is yes: modern Encoder-Decoder (ED) architectures learn human-like behavior when inflecting English verbs, such as extending the regular past tense form -(e)d to novel words. However, their work does not address the criticism raised by Marcus et al. (1995): that neural models may learn to extend not the regular, but the most frequent class -- and thus fail on tasks like German number inflection, where infrequent suffixes like -s can still be productively generalized. To investigate this question, we first collect a new dataset from German speakers (production and ratings of plural forms for novel nouns) that is designed to avoid sources of information unavailable to the ED model. The speaker data show high variability, and two suffixes evince 'regular' behavior, appearing more often with phonologically atypical inputs. Encoder-decoder models do generalize the most frequently produced plural class, but do not show human-like variability or 'regular' extension of these other plural markers. We conclude that modern neural models may still struggle with minority-class generalization.
Prosody is a rich information source in natural language, serving as a marker for phenomena such as contrast. In order to make this information available to downstream tasks, we need a way to detect prosodic events in speech. We propose a new model for pitch accent detection, inspired by the work of Stehwien et al. (2018), who presented a CNN-based model for this task. Our model makes greater use of context by using full utterances as input and adding an LSTM layer. We find that these innovations lead to an improvement from 87.5% to 88.7% accuracy on pitch accent detection on American English speech in the Boston University Radio News Corpus, a state-of-the-art result. We also find that a simple baseline that just predicts a pitch accent on every content word yields 82.2% accuracy, and we suggest that this is the appropriate baseline for this task. Finally, we conduct ablation tests that show pitch is the most important acoustic feature for this task and this corpus.
Recent studies have introduced methods for learning acoustic word embeddings (AWEs)---fixed-size vector representations of words which encode their acoustic features. Despite the widespread use of AWEs in speech processing research, they have only been evaluated quantitatively in their ability to discriminate between whole word tokens. To better understand the applications of AWEs in various downstream tasks and in cognitive modeling, we need to analyze the representation spaces of AWEs. Here we analyze basic properties of AWE spaces learned by a sequence-to-sequence encoder-decoder model in six typologically diverse languages. We first show that these AWEs preserve some information about words' absolute duration and speaker. At the same time, the representation space of these AWEs is organized such that the distance between words' embeddings increases with those words' phonetic dissimilarity. Finally, the AWEs exhibit a word onset bias, similar to patterns reported in various studies on human speech processing and lexical access. We argue this is a promising result and encourage further evaluation of AWEs as a potentially useful tool in cognitive science, which could provide a link between speech processing and lexical memory.
Acoustic word embeddings are fixed-dimensional representations of variable-length speech segments. In settings where unlabelled speech is the only available resource, such embeddings can be used in "zero-resource" speech search, indexing and discovery systems. Here we propose to train a single supervised embedding model on labelled data from multiple well-resourced languages and then apply it to unseen zero-resource languages. For this transfer learning approach, we consider two multilingual recurrent neural network models: a discriminative classifier trained on the joint vocabularies of all training languages, and a correspondence autoencoder trained to reconstruct word pairs. We test these using a word discrimination task on six target zero-resource languages. When trained on seven well-resourced languages, both models perform similarly and outperform unsupervised models trained on the zero-resource languages. With just a single training language, the second model works better, but performance depends more on the particular training--testing language pair.
Previous work has shown that for low-resource source languages, automatic speech-to-text translation (AST) can be improved by pretraining an end-to-end model on automatic speech recognition (ASR) data from a high-resource language. However, it is not clear what factors --e.g., language relatedness or size of the pretraining data-- yield the biggest improvements, or whether pretraining can be effectively combined with other methods such as data augmentation. Here, we experiment with pretraining on datasets of varying sizes, including languages related and unrelated to the AST source language. We find that the best predictor of final AST performance is the word error rate of the pretrained ASR model, and that differences in ASR/AST performance correlate with how phonetic information is encoded in the later RNN layers of our model. We also show that pretraining and data augmentation yield complementary benefits for AST.