AURORA Model of Formant-to-Tongue Inversion for Didactic and Clinical Applications

This paper outlines the conceptual and computational foundations of the AURORA (Acoustic Understanding and Real-time Observation of Resonant Articulations) model. AURORA predicts tongue displacement and shape in vowel sounds based on the first two formant values. It is intended as a didactic aid helping to explain the relationship between formants and the underlying articulation, as well as a foundation for biofeedback applications. The model is informed by ultrasound tongue imaging and acoustic data from 40 native speakers of English. In this paper we discuss the motivation for the model, the modelling objectives as well as the model architecture. We provide a qualitative evaluation of the model, focusing on selected tongue features. We then present two tools developed to make the model more accessible to a wider audience, a Shiny app and a prototype software for real-time tongue biofeedback. Potential users include students of phonetics, linguists in fields adjacent to phonetics, as well as speech and language therapy practitioners and clients.

Articulatory strategy in vowel production as a basis for speaker discrimination

The way speakers articulate is well known to be variable across individuals while at the same time subject to anatomical and biomechanical constraints. In this study, we ask whether articulatory strategy in vowel production can be sufficiently speaker-specific to form the basis for speaker discrimination. We conducted Generalised Procrustes Analyses of tongue shape data from 40 English speakers from the North West of England, and assessed the speaker-discriminatory potential of orthogonal tongue shape features within the framework of likelihood ratios. Tongue size emerged as the individual dimension with the strongest discriminatory power, while tongue shape variation in the more anterior part of the tongue generally outperformed tongue shape variation in the posterior part. When considered in combination, shape-only information may offer comparable levels of speaker specificity to size-and-shape information, but only when features do not exhibit speaker-level co-variation.

Modelling change in neural dynamics during phonetic accommodation

Short-term phonetic accommodation is a fundamental driver behind accent change, but how does real-time input from another speaker's voice shape the speech planning representations of an interlocutor? We advance a computational model of change in phonetic representations during phonetic accommodation, grounded in dynamic neural field equations for movement planning and memory dynamics. We test the model's ability to capture empirical patterns from an experimental study where speakers shadowed a model talker with a different accent from their own. The experimental data shows vowel-specific degrees of convergence during shadowing, followed by return to baseline (or minor divergence) post-shadowing. The model can reproduce these phenomena by modulating the magnitude of inhibitory memory dynamics, which may reflect resistance to accommodation due to phonological and/or sociolinguistic pressures. We discuss the implications of these results for the relation between short-term phonetic accommodation and longer-term patterns of sound change.

Towards a dynamical model of English vowels. Evidence from diphthongisation

Diphthong vowels exhibit a degree of inherent dynamic change, the extent of which can vary synchronically and diachronically, such that diphthong vowels can become monophthongs and vice versa. Modelling this type of change requires defining diphthongs in opposition to monophthongs. However, formulating an explicit definition has proven elusive in acoustics and articulation, as diphthongisation is often gradient in these domains. In this study, we consider whether diphthong vowels form a coherent phonetic category from the articulatory point of view. We present articulometry and acoustic data from six speakers of Northern Anglo-English producing a full set of phonologically long vowels. We analyse several measures of diphthongisation, all of which suggest that diphthongs are not categorically distinct from long monophthongs. We account for this observation with an Articulatory Phonology/Task Dynamic model in which diphthongs and long monophthongs have a common gestural representation, comprising two articulatory targets in each case, but they differ according to gestural constriction and location of the component gestures. We argue that a two-target representation for all long vowels is independently supported by phonological weight, as well as by the nature of historical diphthongisation and present-day dynamic vowel variation in British English.